Literary Analysis of Fisherman by Kurt Brown Essays - Fisherman

Literary Analysis of Fisherman by Kurt Brown Essays - Fisherman Literary Analysis of Fisherman by Kurt Brown English 100 Effective College English I Prof. Stef Donev April 27, 2012 Literary Analysis of Fisherman by Kurt Brown In Kurt Browns poem Fisherman, he reveals how life can be related to the action of fishing in the ocean. The poet tries to interpret how a man goes about his daily life fishing, with hope of trying to find something greater within him. He states this in the first and second lines of the poem, A man spends his whole life fishing in him for something grand.(1-2) He gives the reader the emotion and feeling of ones persistent journey to discovering their worth in life but even though hes on a search to finding this, he has his own self doubts about himself. He gives you the sense of agony, confusion, and courage in the writing. Brown also conveys how finding something grand within ones self is like catching a big fish. But there are some things shadowing that and are unexpectedly preventing the fisher from accomplishing the big catch. The poet is metaphorically trying to portray that no matter what you encounter day by day, to keep striving and never give up. In the first lines of the poem opens up with A man spends his whole life fishing in him for something grand(1-2), figuratively refers to men as fisherman. For that reason, the fisherman is trying to discover something greater within and is constantly finding a means to improve himself for the better. This goes to show how one must keep striving, and not worrying about how difficult the path may be. As you continue reading the poem, the line Its like some lost lunker, big enough to break all records (2-3), represents how the fisherman contemplates on an attempt to overcome other fishermans achievements and exceed to do greater than their accomplishments. The poet portrays the determination to do so and keep his hopes high, in order to become better than the rest. The fisherman struggles and lacks confidence in himself which the poet states in the lines He only felt the shadow of something enormous darken is life. Or as he? (4-5) Brown tries to embody that its quite intimidating how other people can be better but when encountering any adversity, you should not stop no matter how challenging it is. The fisherman tends to continuously doubt himself, for the fact that there are many others being more successful than he is, which shows in the line Maybe its the shadow of other fish, greater than his, the shadow of other mens souls passing over him(6-7) Hes also indicating after the witnessing others being more accomplished than what he has completed, his self-confidence began to sink, questioning himself if one day he can become successful with finding his worth in life. The poet then presents Each day he grabs his gear and makes is way to the ocean. At least hes sure of that: Or is he? (8- 9), emphasizing that the fisherman does not give up and continues, striving to keep searching but undoubtedly shows a non-stop feeling of frustrating uncertainty constantly questioning himself. Through out the poem, the poet asserts that the fisherman is always facing that prolonging emotion of disbelief. Consequently, the poet stresses the fact that we are always faced with disappointment but we have to overcome that fact and succeed. Giving up is not an option but to maintain your will and have an on going fight is what He shoves off, feeling the land fall away under his boots (12), is trying to imply by the writer. Thinking negative will never get you anywhere, but having faith in yourself will definitely become a factor for completing what needs to be done and increase self worth in themselves. When the positive thinking begin to ease, the hope also grows which connects to It could be today: the water heaves and settles like a chest Hes not far out. (14-15) But the man still inclines that he is troubled and not so sure about moving forward. Therefore, continuing through the poem, the writer suggests that after one day of not finding his self worth, he moves on to discover what his unknown desires are at another

Definition and Examples of Formal Essays

Definition and Examples of Formal Essays In composition studies, a formal essay is a  short, relatively impersonal composition in prose. Also known as an impersonal essay or a Baconian essay (after the writings of Englands first major essayist, Francis Bacon). In contrast to the familiar or personal essay, the formal essay is typically used for the discussion of ideas. Its rhetorical purpose is generally to inform or persuade. The technique of the  formal essay, says William Harmon, is now practically identical with that of all factual or theoretical prose in which literary effect is secondary (A Handbook to Literature, 2011). Examples and Observations Formal essays were introduced in England by [Francis] Bacon, who adopted Montaignes term. Here the style is objective, compressed, aphoristic, wholly serious. . . . In modern times, the formal essay has become more diversified in subject matter, style, and length until it is better known by such names as article, dissertation, or thesis, and factual presentation rather than style or literary effect has become the basic aim.(L. H. Hornstein, G. D. Percy, and C. S. Brown, The Readers Companion to World Literature, 2nd ed. Signet, 2002)A Blurred Distinction Between Formal Essays and Informal EssaysFrancis Bacon and his followers had  a more impersonal, magisterial, law-giving, and didactic manner than the skeptical Montaigne. But they should not be viewed as opposites; the distinction between formal and informal essay can be overdone, and most great essayists have crossed the line frequently. The difference is one of degree. [William] Hazlitt was essentially a personal essayist, thoug h he wrote theater and art criticism; Matthew Arnold and John Ruskin were essentially formal essayists, though they may have tried a personal essay once in a while. Personality creeps into the most impersonal of writers: it is difficult to read Bacon on friendship or having children, for instance, without suspecting he is talking about autobiographical matters. Dr. Johnson was probably more a moral  essayist than a personal one, though his work has such an individual, idiosyncratic stamp that I have persuaded myself to place him in the personal camp. George Orwell seems split fifty-fifty, an essay hermaphrodite who always kept one eye on the subjective and one on the political. . . .The Victorian era saw a turn toward the formal essay, the so-called essay of ideas written by [Thomas] Carlyle, Ruskin, [Matthew] Arnold, Macaulay, Pater. Between Lamb and Beerbohm there was scarcely an English personal essay, with the exception of those by Robert Louis Stevenson and Thomas De Quincey. . . .(Phillip Lopate, Introduction to The Art of the Personal Essay. Anchor, 1994) Voice in the Impersonal Essay[E]ven when I plays no part in the language of an essay, a firm sense of personality can warm the voice of the impersonal essay narrator. When we read Dr. [Samuel] Johnson and Edmund Wilson and Lionel Trilling, for instance, we feel that we know them as fully developed characters in their own essays, regardless of their not referring personally to themselves.(Phillip Lopate, Writing Personal Essays: On the Necessity of Turning Oneself Into a Character. Writing Creative Nonfiction, ed. by Carolyn Forchà © and Philip Gerard. Writers Digest Books, 2001)Crafting the Impersonal IUnlike the exploratory self of Montaigne, Francis Bacons impersonal I appears already to have arrived. Even in the comparatively expansive third edition of the Essays, Bacon provides few explicit hints as to either the character of the textual voice or the role of the expected reader. . . . [T]he absence of a felt self on the page is a deliberate rhetorical effect: the effort to effac e voice in the impersonal essay is a way of evoking a distant but authoritative persona. . . . In the formal essay, invisibility must be forged.(Richard Nordquist, Voices of the Modern Essay. University  of Georgia, 1991)

Differentiating Between Market Structure Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Differentiating Between Market Structure - Essay Example Beachbody operates under a perfect competitive market whereby a number of a companies has been in the industry to provide this highly demanded product by the consumers. In this field, a number of firms are in operation to provide this demanded products by the customers. Similarly, many customers are lining up to get the best services from these firms in terms of their needs. When running such a business, the decision must be made to ensure the success of the business and maximization of the profits. Understanding the market structures and some of the fundamental economic principle that are in operational in such a market helps Beachbody to make informed decisions that have profound potential to impact all the processes of the business from sales to consumer retention. In reality, a perfectly competitive market rarely exists. In essence, the concept associated with perfect competition is used to provide a benchmark for analyzing this market structures. A firm is operating in a perfectly competitive market conducts business in a market with many buyers and sellers. The products in the market are almost identical with just a few differentiation and have very few barriers to market entry if any. The firms in such a market face an entirely horizontal demand curve. This translate to the fact that the firms act as the prices takers in the market. As long as any firm is in operation it can sell as much or as little as it wishes. However, the management must understand that setting up the prices above the market price will lose the customers to the competitors. The customer would purchase the exact product from another firm hence negatively impacting on the sales of the company. On this note, Beach body, having a number of competitors in the market such as Jenny Craig, Inc., Weight Watchers International, Inc. and Nutrisystem, Inc. need to set up the prices in a way that

Macroeconomic Objectives and their Importance to UK Economy Essay

Macroeconomic Objectives and their Importance to UK Economy - Essay Example Low Inflation The emerging objectives and macroeconomic framework has is expected to deal with challenges that come from inflation and economic uncertainty. The inflation is the United Kingdom stood at 2.4 percent at the beginning of 2013. This has been occasioned by a fall in price of diesel and petrol. The price seems to have temporarily stabilized. The energy costs have declined. This includes housing, recreation and culture goods. The macroeconomic framework is based on transparency, responsibility and accountability. The aim is to ensure that the government works through clear objectives for fiscal and monetary policy. The government of UK believes that constrained discretion can help in meeting long term macroeconomic grows. Under this framework, the government of United Kingdom is expected to meet the objectives simultaneously (Greener 2001). This approach is boosted by the fact that some of the objectives and complementary and interdependent with each other. Balance of Paymen t This occurs when an induced balance of payment transactions is zero. In this case, the government of the UK is responsible for influencing the exchange rates. The government is determined to ensure that the imports to not exceed the exports. This is done through avoiding fixed exchange rates and promoting a culture that is more productive that consumptive. The government hopes to control the exchange movement given the exchange rates is flexible. This might prevent the sterling from depreciating further. Balancing is payment equilibrium affects the holding of foreign exchange with affects the local economy. The government is developing a policy that ensures maintenance... This essay is one of the best examples of analysis of the main directions of the macroeconomic policy, carried out by UK government. Macroeconomics refers to aggregate activities carried out by government, individuals or the government. Objectives are the aims of the policy being used by the government. The government of the United Kingdom targets a consumer index of over 2 percent. The government also intends to ensure sustainable growth through maintaining low inflation and ensuring proper control on the environmental growth. The UK government has an objective of ensuring high levels of employment through increasing opportunities for full employment. The government is developing a grand macroeconomic policy framework that defines the roles of the major economy sector and how they can strengthen the competitiveness of the UK economy. The sectors include financial and housing. The policy intends to manage consumption. After the consumption boom, the domestic market created a strong demand that caused the UK exports not to grow as fast as expected. The State is acknowledging its failure in having a reformed policy. The plan by the government to develop a comprehensive macroeconomic framework states when and how the objectives are going to be achieved. It is possible to achieve the objectives if the steering committee remains flexible and responsive to economic dynamics. The macroeconomic policy framework intends to use better metrics and real median incomes in assessing the economic policies and objectives.

Analysis of Newspaper Research Report Results Essay Example for Free

Analysis of Newspaper Research Report Results Essay A study recently published in the San Jose Mercury News suggests the parents of obese children do not perceive their children as obese. An analysis of this study, its methods, and its findings is an important exercise in understanding the meaning and relevance of all research. The ability to read research critically and understand how it was generated allows us to identify possible design flaws or to realize the validity of its conclusions and make appropriate use of the data. The study was conducted through an internet research firm for the University of Michigan. Its goal was to determine the percentage of parents who realized their children are obese and to compare it to the percentage of parents that do not realize their children are obese. The participants were selected by simple random sampling and were considered a representative sample of American parents. The sample included 2060 respondents (Runk, 2007). The data appeared to be collected through internet surveys. The study was observational and measured continuous data sets including the height, weight, age, and gender of the participants children (Bennett, Briggs, Triola, 2003). A body mass index greater than or equal to the 95th percentile in comparison to children the same age and gender was the criteria used for obesity in this study. The data from these children was then compared the national percentage of children considered obese by the same standards. Qualitative data pertaining to whether or not the parents thought their children were slightly overweight, very overweight, or about right was also collected (Runk, 2007). Although it was not specifically stated, I hypothesize the children studied were broken down into bins by age and gender. The first bin comprised of obese girls six to 11 years old and the second bin obese boys six to11 years old. For the 12 to 17 year old group the first bin included obese girls 12 to 17 years old and the second bin included obese boys 12 to 17 years old. I further hypothesize the parents of children in each group were binned according to their response to the qualitative assessment of their childs weight. For each age group the first bin included parents who answered   very overweight, the second bin included parents who answered slightly overweight, and the third bin included parents who answered about normal (Bennett, Briggs, Triola, 2003). The findings in the six to 11 year old group revealed 15% of the children in this age group met the criteria for obesity. This finding was not significantly different from the national figure which reports 17% of all children in the United States are obese by the standard of this study. Thirteen percent of the parents of obese children in this age group categorized their children as very overweight, 37% classified their children as slightly overweight, and 43% reported their children were about right (Runk, 2007). The findings in the 12 to 17 year old group revealed 10% of children in this age group met the criteria for obesity. This finding is significantly lower than the national figure for obese children. Thirty one percent of the parents of obese children in this age group reported their children as being very overweight, 56% reported their children as slightly overweight, and 11% reported their children were about right (Runk, 2007). Researchers concluded both age groups under reported the incidence and severity of obesity when compared to the national statistic stating 17% of all children meet the criteria for obesity outlined in this study (Runk, 2007). I agree the severity of obesity was greatly under reported in both groups. However, I disagree with the assertion the incidence of obesity was under reported in the six to 11 year old group. I believe the difference between 15% and 17% could easily be a coincidence. It may also have resulted because the internet was used to collect data and poor children are more likely to be obese and less likely to have internet access (Vieweg, Johnston, Fernandez Pandurangi, 2007). I do agree that obesity seemed to be considerably under reported in the 12 to 17 year old group. A statistically significant difference (about 7%) occurred between that age groups 10% incidence and the 17% national incidence of childhood obesity (Runk, 2007). Such a large difference is unlikely to be a coincidence and supports the theory that obesity was under reported in this age group or  confounding was present (Bennett, Briggs, Triola, 2003). Critical analysis of this data reveals many strengths and a few significant weaknesses in the design and implementation of this study. The goal is clearly stated, to determine the percentage of parents who realized their children are obese and to compare it to the percentage of parents that do not realize their children are obese. This goal was clearly accomplished for all the study participants. The source of the study is the University of Michigan which can be considered a reliable, neutral source. The sampling is sufficiently large, but whether or not it is representative of childhood obesity in this country is questionable. A serious problem with the sample exists as a result of using the internet as the setting. High proportions of obese children are socioeconomically disadvantaged and may not have internet access. The internet setting is likely to account for the apparent under reporting of obese children noted in this study and as such is a probable source of confounding. The criterion for obesity is well defined and could be easily measured in all the subjects, but I remain concerned a significant portion of obese children may have been inadvertently omitted from consideration. In the end, however, I find there is a strong practical use for this data. Healthcare providers are made conscious of the fact that the parents are, more often than not, genuinely unaware their child is obese. This data supports the decision to open a dialogue with parents and offer teaching about the dangers and prevention of childhood obesity the clear course of action. References: Bennett, J., Briggs, W., Triola, M. (2003). Statistical Reasoning for EverydayLife, Second Edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Addison Wesley. RetrievedDecember 5, 2007, from University of Phoenix rEsource HCS 438. Runk, D. (2007, December 24). Parents dont realize their kids are fat. MercuryNews (San Jose). Retrieved December 28, 2007, fromhttp://www.mercurynews.com/healthandscience/ci_7799918?nclick_check=1. Vieweg, V., Johnston, Fernandez, A., Pandurangi. A. (2007). Correlation between high risk obesity groups and low socioeconomic status in school children. Southern Medical Association. Retrieved January 12, 2008, from University of Phoenix library [EBSCOhost].

Response To: Hiroshma By Berger :: essays research papers

In his essay "Hiroshima," John Berger examines the bombing of Hiroshima on August 6, 1945. As he flips through the pages of the book Unforgettable Fire, he begins to relay his own views on the dropping of the A-bomb. Berger suggests his belief that it was an act of terrorism on the Japanese. While viewing the drawings, paintings, and descriptions the victimes of the A-bomb created, Berger starts forming his opinion on the tragedy. He eventually concludes that Japan was a victim of terrorism. However, unlike most terrorists who are from small countries, Japan's attacker was the most powerful nation in the world. America, the country that symbolizes peace and freedom, led the massacre on thousands of Japanese. Just as Berger states, when American children are taught about Hiroshima, the fact that it was unnecessary is ommitted. Never had I been urged to stop and comtemplate the question of why it happened. Likewise, never was this topic addressed in my history courses. In fact, I cannot remember one occassion when I was told of the innocent people who became victims of the attack. I, just as all American children, was taught that it was an important event in history. However,it was never once explained to me that it was important because it marked the largest terrorist act in history. As Berger composes his essay, he argues against things that everyone is told are wrong. However, he is one of the few who actually make the connection between the Hiroshima attack and terrorism. His argument is utterly flawless. He defines terrorism and then points out every aspect of this definition in the Hiroshima bombing. From the lack of necessity to the loss of thousands of innocent lives, the Hiroshima incident represents the model terrorist attack.

Change Management Final Exam Essay

TCO A: The organization is planning to make a substantial change to the compensation and benefits program for the next fiscal year. This change will impact all branches of the organization throughout the U.S. Eight thousand employees will be required to move from the very popular existing total rewards program to the new system. A compensation study determined that most employees will need updated position titles and salary bands. A. Compile the change management imperatives that will go into making this a successful change project. B. Construct a set of strategies that managers can use to help employees cope with complex change. C. Persuade the managers involved in this change that the imperatives that you identified and the strategies to help employees cope with change will help them manage the complex realities of this change project. (Points: 30) TCO B: You are the Director of Change Management, and it is expected that you can read the corporate change â€Å"tea leafs† and have a model for change and an approach to plan change when the need arises. A. Construct a model of change that reflects the reality of change in modern organizations and reflects your beliefs about change. B. Think of an organizational change that you believe should be implemented in an organization where you work now, or one you worked for in the past. Create a plan to implement change by integrating your change model. C. Plan a system to measure how your model will impact the organization. TCO C: Put this scenario into the context of an organization where you work now or did in the past. Your organization has recently (past two months) hired a new VP of Marketing and she is trying to understand the various types of changes that might impact the organization in the future. This is important to know, as it is hard to develop a strategic vision for the Marketing Department without first considering how things might look in the future. A. Evaluate the various types of change pressure that might impact the organization in terms of: (a) staffing levels, and (b) corporate branding. B. You are further asked to compile a list that compares each potential force for change to the stability of the organization. C.  Speculate as to why some of these potential pressures on organizations to change do not impact all organizations in the same way. (Points: 30) TCO D: As the change expert for the State Department of Natural Resources in a large state with thousands of acres of forests, lakes, and wildlife, you learn that the legislature voted to privatize the entire department in order to save money and help reduce state and local taxes. It is entirely possible that some current government agency employees could be hired to work as â€Å"civilian† employees of the private company. A. Appraise the cultural impact of this change on the employees who will move from government to private sector employment. B. Speculate on the changes that will come to the strategic behaviors of the new privatized organization compared to the government organization. . Propose a plan that will help bring alignment between former government employees and the new strategy that they will have to work within. (Points: 30) TCO E: The organization is going through sweeping changes that will lead to layoffs and a situation where several â€Å"managers† will now be reporting to their former â€Å"direct reports.† A. Compose a likely set of reasons why people will resist this change. B. Appraise the most effective and least effective strategies for overcoming the resistance to the change identified in the scenario. C. Devise a plan to implement the most effective approaches to reducing change resistance. (Points: 30) TCO F: There are many approaches to diagnosing change in an organization. In the end, the change agent must use the best practices of various models of diagnosis and apply them to the organization. A. Appraise two approaches to diagnosing organizational change, pointing out what works and what does not work in effective organizational diagnosis. B. Construct your own version of an effective diagnostic model using the best elements of other models. Be specific about the components of the model you create. C. Create a strategy that will measure the effectiveness of your diagnostic  model. (Points: 30) TCO G: It’s no secret that having a vision for change and being able to communicate the change project are critical to success. However, that all requires a communication plan. Assume that you are working on a change project and need to design a solid communication plan. A. Help yourself by generating a checklist of key attributes of a good change communication plan. B. Then, compose an example change communication using an appropriate scenario. C. Finally, formulate a methodology to measure the success of your communication plan. (Points: 30)

Trends in Modern International Terrorism

Trends in Modern International Terrorism Boaz Ganor Abstract This chapter examines some of the most widely researched trends and developments within the phenomenon of modern international terrorism, providing policy recommendations on how to counter its emerging threats – particularly that of the Global Jihad movement and â€Å"homegrown† terrorism. The magnitude of the modern terrorist threat was demonstrated by the attacks of September 11, and ever since, the field has experienced a renewal of sorts, attracting unprecedented attention by both scholars and the mainstream public.This chapter will introduce readers to the main schools of thoughts within the academic field that explain terrorism. It will also present the many disciplines applicable to the study of terrorism, demonstrating that the phenomenon is multifaceted in nature, requiring a cohesive international and broad-based response. In covering a number of dilemmas facing terrorism experts, the chapter explore s the debate over a definition of terrorism, providing a proposed definition that distinguishes acts of terrorism from criminal acts.The chapter continues on to explore the phenomenon of modern terrorism, the role of traditional crime within the terror sphere, and the growing threat of Global Jihadi terrorism – including terror networks and homegrown cells and activists who have emerged as a result of the spread of radical Islamic ideology. The role of terrorism in democratic states and the economic ramifications of terrorism are also explored. Finally, the chapter ends with recommendations on how governments should effectively respond to terrorism and discuses room for further research.Trends in Modern International Terrorism In recent years, the academic world has witnessed a surge of research and academic programs in the field of homeland security and counterterrorism. After the attacks of 9/11, the threat of global terrorism immediately topped the international agenda. B. Ganor Lauder School of Government, International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT), Interdisciplinary Center (IDC), Herzliya, Israel e-mail: [email  protected] ac. il D. Weisburd et al. (eds. ), To Protect and To Serve: Policing in an Age of Terrorism, DOI 10. 007/978-0-387-73685-3_2,  © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009 11 12 B. Ganor Growing recognition of the threat, combined with an increase in government spending, spurred the development of academic research institutions, think tanks, and new higher education programs in the study of homeland security and counterterrorism. The trend was particularly prominent in the United States, as researchers sought a basic understanding of the characteristics of terrorism and agencies sought ways to effectively cope with the phenomenon.This trend was accompanied by a significant increase in the number of researchers focusing on the phenomenon of terrorism. These researchers came from a wide array of academic disciplines, applying varied quantitative and qualitative research tools and methods in their analysis of the threat. In understanding the phenomenon and preventing future terrorist attacks, researchers have focused primarily on understanding the rationale of terrorist organizations in general and Global Jihad organizations in particular – their cost-benefit calculations and their decision-making processes. Trends† in terrorism have also been explored – often focusing on the introduction, transition, or prominence of a specific modus operandi or a method, such as suicide bombings, the Global Jihad movement, or the use of unconventional weapons. Reviewing these trends and themes in terrorism – and the academic research that has accompanied them – is crucial in determining how far we have come and how far we have to go, both in terms of the governments designing and deciding on counterterrorism policy and the academics informing such decisions.In exploring the phe nomenon of modern international terrorism, this chapter will first introduce readers to the various schools of thought and academic approaches used in explaining terrorism – drawing on a wide range of disciplines and theories. Discussion will then move to one of the most basic components of the terrorism dilemma, with implications on how the term – and thus phenomenon of terrorism itself – is treated, applied, and understood by the international community – the debate over defining terrorism.As will be demonstrated, definitions of terrorism vary widely – with equally as wide implications – yet there is still a general consensus among most leading scholars as to the essential nature of the threat. â€Å"Modern terrorism,† the next theme that will be explored in this chapter, is regarded as a form of psychological warfare intended to spread fear and anxiety among the target population. This fear is translated into political pressure on decision makers to change policies in such a manner that will serve the terrorist’s interests.As such, modern terrorists attempt to exploit the liberal values of democratic states, forcing governments to adhere to their demands as a result of the physical, psychological, and economic ramifications of terrorist attacks. The nature of terrorism in relation to the democratic state will be explored in a later section of this chapter as well. As terrorist groups are usually engaged in a long war of attrition, terrorist organizations need ongoing support and funds to ensure they can maintain their activities.In fact, one of the main sources of funding for many terrorist organizations is criminal activity: smuggling, counterfeiting, extortion, and narcotics. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the threat of international terrorism grew with the spread of Global Jihad terrorism. Made up of complex networks of hierarchal terrorist organizations, proxy and affiliate organizat ions, local and international terror 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 13 etworks, sleeper cells, and indoctrinated radical activists, all these actors share a common extreme ideology and the readiness to use violence in general – and terrorism in particular – in order to achieve their goals. The economic ramifications of these activities only further exacerbate the damage posed by terrorist attacks, another focus of terrorism research. This dynamic terrorist phenomenon has threatened an increasing number of states while involving more terror organizations, networks, activists, and supporters worldwide.The growing level of the threat, its international scope, its lethality,1 and the possible use of nonconventional terrorism (CBRN – chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons) necessitate future multidisciplinary research in the field and a more cohesive, international response. Explaining Terrorism In general, two schools of thought explaini ng the phenomenon of modern terrorism have emerged out of the collection of academic work within the discipline – the â€Å"psychological-sociological† school of thought and the â€Å"political-rational† school of thought.Both schools maintain that terrorism seeks to achieve political goals by instilling fear and anxiety among the target population, but each stresses a different aspect of the explanation. The psychological-sociological school, represented most recently by scholars such as Dr. Jerrold Post (1998) and John Horgan (2005), stresses the phenomenon’s psychological component, maintaining that the immediate and central goal of terrorism is to instill fear and anxiety, while its political goals are long term. Terror as a clinical term refers to a psychological state of constant dread or fearfulness, associated with an abnormally high level of psych-physiological arousal. This is central to what terrorists aim to achieve, since after all, while the y have some ultimate set of political objectives, it is an immediate goal of most terrorist groups to cause terror† (Horgan, 2005:14). The psychological-sociological school addresses both the desired effect of terrorism and its root causes, relying primarily on social group dynamics and the psychological profile of an individual terrorist actor.Some early psychological explanations of terrorism have focused on the disruptive or psychopathological personalities of terrorist operatives, analyzing terrorists based on characteristics or disorders associated with violent or aggressive behaviors (De la Corte et al. , 2007). Some of the common psychological characteristics that have been attributed to alleged terrorists Analysis of terrorist incidents over the last 35 years confirms that terrorist attacks, while arguably decreasing in quantity, are growing more deadly over time, as the number of fatalities per attack has increased (LaFree and Dugan, in this volume).Such data, however , rely on a definition of terrorism that LaFree and Dugan themselves note is relatively â€Å"inclusive. † The Global Terrorism Database (GTD), on which their analysis is based, excludes â€Å"attacks on the military by guerilla organizations,† but includes military targets attacked by substate actors motivated by political, economic, or social motives (See LaFree and Dugan; in this volume). 1 14 B. Ganor re paranoia, antisocial and narcissistic personalities (Millon, 1981; Post, 1987), lack of empathy with victims, hostility toward parents, dogmatic or ideological mentality, or a simplistic or utopian worldview (Victoroff, 2005). At one end of the spectrum within such literature is the assertion – and at times assumption – that terrorists are to some degree psychologically â€Å"abnormal,† possessing personality disorders that qualify them as insane or psychopathic (as discussed by Cooper, 1978; Hacker, 1976; Lasch, 1979; Pearce, 1977; Taylor, 198 8).Despite early research providing psychological profiles of terrorists, other terrorism researchers have come to the general conclusion that there is no universal terrorist personality pattern; most terrorist operatives are not necessarily â€Å"psychopaths† (Silke, 1998), nor do they show traces of being clearly or consistently mentally ill (Crenshaw, 2000; Post, 1998; Stahelski, 2004). Early studies on the topic have been largely disproved or debunked, in fact, even within the psychological-social school of thought.Further research has shown that terrorists rarely meet the criteria for insanity,2 but rather may possess some â€Å"particular personality dispositions† related to psychological conditions or disorders (Post, 1987). Dr. Jerrold Post, an expert in political psychology, maintains that even though terrorists fit within the spectrum of â€Å"normality,† a large number have demonstrated specific personality characteristics that indicate a minor psycho pathology, such as aggression, activism, thrill seeking, an externalist psychological mechanism and factionalism.These are characteristics of narcissistic disorders and borderline personalities (Post, 1998:25–27). While Post stops short of actually diagnosing terrorists with such disorders or characteristics, he does claim they tend to have high frequency among terrorists, contributing to a uniform rhetorical style and logic (Silke, 1998:65). According to Post, there is a unique logic that characterizes a terrorist’s thought process – a â€Å"terrorist psycho-logic. Post claims that terrorists are motivated by psychological influences when they choose to conduct violent acts, as expressed in rhetoric that relies on â€Å"us versus them† and â€Å"good versus evil† dichotomies. He further claims that lodged in a terrorist’s permanent logic is the notion that the regime must be toppled, which is a result of the terrorist’s search for i dentity. In an attack against the regime, a terrorist is actually trying to destroy the inner enemy within him.However, even as some researchers cite it as the primary cause, a terrorist’s individual psychological profile is not the only significant explanation for the phenomenon of terrorism. Rather, group psychology and sociology may be significant explanatory factors behind terrorist attacks. Various researchers have cited group pressure as a variable to explain recruitment, methods of operation and involvement in terrorism (Merari, 2004). Others have applied the cult model to terrorist organizations (Morgan, 2001). Studies by Heskin (1984), Rasch (1979), and Taylor (1988) have all cited evidence discrediting the assumption that terrorists are psychologically â€Å"abnormal. † 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 15 It is in this context that Post emphasizes the group as a framework in which a sense of belonging and importance for its members is created. He cl aims that ideology plays an important role in supporting a unifying environment for the group.Shared ideology justifies the group’s activity and quickly transforms into the group’s moral guide. The psychological-sociological school relies, therefore, on psychological and sociological characteristics, motives, and grievances in explaining the phenomenon of terrorism. In contrast, the â€Å"political-rational† school of thought views terrorism as a rational method of operation intended to promote various interests and attain concrete political goals (Crenshaw, 2000; Hoffman, 1998; Shprinzak, 1998).Rational choice theory has been adopted by a number of terrorism researchers within this school, and maintains that terrorist action derives from a conscious, rational, calculated decision to choose one route of action over another (Crenshaw, 1992; Sandler et al. , 1983; Sandler and Lapan, 1988; Wilson, 2000). 3 Leading researcher Martha Crenshaw explains that an organiz ation chooses terrorism among several operational alternatives in order to promote their mutual values and preferences.In making a rational calculation of the costs and benefits, terrorism is deliberately chosen as the preferred method of political activity because it is perceived to be the most effective of the operating alternatives – the benefits exceed the costs. In this context, Ehud Shprinzak similarly stressed that the phenomenon of terrorism is not the result of disturbed human activity or a random thoughtless attack. This is a process that almost always begins without violence or terrorist activity (Shprinzak, 1998:78).Rand terrorism expert Bruce Hoffman further clarified the â€Å"rationalist† approach: â€Å"I have been studying terrorists and terrorism for more than twenty years. Yet I am still always struck by how disturbingly ‘normal’ most terrorists seem when one actually sits down and talks to them†¦ Many are in fact highly articulate and extremely thoughtful individuals for whom terrorism is (or was) an entirely rational choice†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Hoffman, 1998:7)The dispute between the rationalist and psychological approach is important in understanding the root causes of terrorism, allowing experts and security professionals to identify characteristics of the threat and formulate effective counterstrategies. While the two schools may seem to fundamentally clash, an interdisciplinary explanation of terrorism may actually be the most effective way to approach the phenomenon. In a sense, these two schools can complement and complete each other.In the Israeli setting, for example, the case of a suicide bombing is likely motivated by a combination of the rational calculations of the organization, a cost-benefit analysis made by the attackers themselves, social pressure from the attackers’ peer group, and personal psychological, social, cultural, and religious motivations. The decisionmaking process functions on a number of levels, in which both political-rational 3 For an overview of psychological, social, and rational choice theories, see Victoroff, 2005. 16 B. Ganor Psychology H ci ol og ist or y So Law Why Terrorism ? Economics Media & Communication Political Science Fig. 2. 1 Explanatory disciplines to terrorism and the psychological-sociological explanations have their place, demonstrating the multidisciplinary nature of terrorism. As Crenshaw noted, even though an act of terrorism may not be wholly the result of a psychological disorder, that is not to say â€Å"the political decision to join a terrorist organization is not influenced or, in some cases, even determined by subconscious or latent psychological motives† (Crenshaw, 1998:386).It seems that only multivariable explanations based on methodologies and theories from different disciplines can adequately address the complex phenomenon of terrorism, provide explanations for the growth, development and characteristics of th e phenomenon, and suggest methods for effectively dealing with terrorism (Fig. 2. 1). Explanatory Disciplines to Terrorism Different research disciplines may be able to provide answers to fundamental questions at the core of terrorism research, such as:Psychology The field of psychology can provide answers to such questions as: Do terrorists have common psychological characteristics? Do terrorists have a psychological profile? Why do people become terrorists? Which people might become terrorists and which will not? Why do people join a terrorist organization and why do they leave it? When, why, and how does the personal radicalization process take place? (See Post, 1998; Raine, 1993; Hubbard, 1971). 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 17 Economics How important are economic variables in explaining the development and motivation of terrorism?To what degree can terrorists’ financial situation explain the motives for their behavior? How much does the economic factor deter mine the scope and characteristics of terrorism activity? 4 (See Abadie, 2004; Kahn and Weiner, 2002; Krueger and Laitin, 2008; Krueger and Maleckova, 2002; Piazza, 2006). Sociology How much influence does one’s peer group have on the decision to join a terrorist group or the motivation to conduct acts of terrorism? How much can processes of socialization and delegitimization by society – ostracizing, discrimination, alienation, etc. serve as variables explaining the motives of terrorism? Why does a certain population at a specific time tend to carry out terrorist attacks while another population with similar characteristics does not choose this course of action? What is the extent of the connection between terrorism and different cultures? 5 (See Bandura, 1973, 1998; Gibbs, 1989; Merari, 2004; Morgan, 2001; Webb, 2002). Criminology To what extent should terrorism be treated as a phenomenon in the criminal sphere? What are the differences between the characteristics of criminal and terrorist activity?What are the similarities and the differences in the organizational characteristics between terrorist and criminal organizations? 6 (See Klein et al. , 2006; Klein and Maxson, 2006; Lafree, 2007). 4 Several studies have focused on refuting the widely claimed link between poverty and terrorism (Harmon, 2000; Hasisi and Pedahzur, 2000; Schmid, 1983). In fact, a 2003 study by Krueger and Maleckova showed that higher-earning Palestinians were more likely to justify the use of terrorism to achieve political goals; and a 2002 study (Krueger and Maleckova, 2002) did not find a link between Hezbollah fighters and impoverished conditions – ather, they were richer and more educated than their counterparts. Another study looked at the biographies of 285 suicide bombers and found them to be richer and more educated than members of the general population (Victoroff, 2005:21). 5 Until September 11, there were few academic studies of terrorism from a strictl y sociological viewpoint. However, Bandura (1973, 1998) used social learning theory to suggest that violence follows observation and imitation of an aggressive model. Friedland (1992) cited the â€Å"frustrationaggression hypothesis† in understanding why terrorists turn to violence (as cited in Victoroff, 2005).Morgan (2001) applied the cult model to understand individual actors and group dynamics within terrorist groups. 6 For the role of policing in counter-terrorism strategies, see Chaps. 3–5 of this volume. LaFree and Dugan (Chap. 2) also briefly discuss the comparison between rates of terrorist attacks and other types of criminal violence. The interplay and linkages between organized crime and terrorism are explored in several anthology volumes, such as Holmes (2007), among many others. 18 B. GanorPolitical Science and International Relations To what extent should terrorism be understood in rational terms (cost-benefit calculation) as an effective method intended to achieve political goals? To what extent can political terms such as sovereignty, power, authority, and social justice serve as variables to explain the phenomenon of terrorism? To what degree is the phenomenon of terrorism connected to certain ideologies or a certain form of government? To what degree does modern terrorism aim to take advantage of the liberal democratic form of government’s values and traits?To what extent is the media component essential in order to explain the strategy of modern terrorism? How are the decision-making processes different in terrorist organizations than other organizations? Can terrorism be understood as a means for states to achieve their interests in the international arena? To what extent can terrorism be dealt with by using deterrent measures in general and deterring state-sponsors of terrorism in particular? (See Crenshaw, 2000; Ganor, 2005; Hoffman, 1998; Nacos, 1994). Theology To what extent is modern terrorism a result of religious extremism?How is incitement to terrorism carried out with the use of religious rationalizations and how can this incitement be dealt with? (See Atran, 2006; Hoffman, 1995; Juergensmeyer, 2003; Ranstorp, 1996; Rapoport, 1984). Hence, nearly every academic research discipline has been, and will continue to be, critical in providing answers to some of the central issues that lie behind understanding the phenomenon of terrorism and the methods for dealing with it. Only this multidisciplinary approach can provide a profound understanding of the phenomenon. The Definition of TerrorismGrowing interest in the field of terrorism and increased funding allotted to academic research and teaching budgets post-9/11 has spurred and supported the publication of hundreds of books and articles in the past few years, many professional and academic conferences, and a general flourishing of the field. Yet, six years after the world recognized the magnitude of the terrorist threat on 9/11, researchers, security professionals, politicians, jurists, and others have still not been able to agree upon its most fundamental component – what is terrorism?Moreover, and somewhat surprisingly, the only consensus these individuals have reached is that it might be impossible, or even unnecessary, to reach an internationally 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 19 accepted definition of terrorism. 7 Those who hold this opinion – in fact the majority in the field – usually cite the cliche â€Å"one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter,† in order to imply that, in their opinion, the issue of definition is subjective. As such, even partial agreement regarding its content cannot be reached. Louis Henkin (1989) captured this entiment in 1990 when he said that: â€Å"Terrorism†¦ is not a useful legal concept. † Those who do not regard a definition as critical believe that the international system – and the security establi shment in particular – can manage without consensus on the issue. They claim that terrorists, in a sense, commit regular crimes – extortion, murder, arson, and other felonies already covered by conventional criminal law. Therefore, they can be tried for committing these felonies without the need for a special criminal classification, and thus definition, for terrorism.Needless to say, there is no shortage of proposed definitions for terrorism. Every researcher, expert, security professional, NGO, country, and politician espouses their own definition, one that likely represents a distinct world view and political stance. By the early 1980s, Schmid and Jongman had already listed 109 definitions of terrorism proposed by researchers in the field (Schmid and Jongman, 1998:5). In their chapter in this volume, LaFree and Dugan touch upon the difficulty in reaching a consensus on a definition of terrorism given its controversial and highly politicized nature.It is within this context that they note the U. S. was reluctant to define the attacks by Contra rebels in Nicaragua as terrorism, while regarding practically all violence in Iraq and Afghanistan as such. They further note that more inclusive definitions of terrorism are often preferred by businesses or private think tanks that are collecting data for the purpose of risk assessment, as such an approach ultimately benefits their clients (LaFree and Dugan, in this volume). Among the hundreds of definitions of terrorism that have been accepted throughout the years, some contain conceptual and phrasing problems (Hoffman, 2004:3).Many researchers note that the only certainty regarding terrorism is the pejorative manner in which the word is generally used and associated (Hoffman, 2006:23; Horgan, 2005:1). As such, when scholars, politicians, or activists describe and analyze the activities of alleged terrorist organizations, they very often use alternative terms that bear more positive connotations, such a s guerilla or underground movements, revolutionaries, militias, militants, commando groups, national liberation movements, etc. (Hoffman, 2006:28).Many in the Western world have accepted the premise that terrorism and national liberation are located on two opposite ends of a spectrum legitimizing the use of violence. The struggle for â€Å"national liberation† is, allegedly, located on the positive 7 In a presentation on the definition of terrorism to the UK Parliament in March 2007, Lord Carlile quoted David Tucker from Skirmishes at the Edge of the Empire, stating that: â€Å"Above the gates of hell is the warning that all that enter should abandon hope. Less dire but to the same effect is the warning given to those who try to define terrorism† (See http://www. amilnation. org/terrorism/ uk/070317carlile. htm); for a reporter’s perspective see Kinsley, 2001; see also Levitt (1986), in which he claims a definition for terrorism is no easier to find than the Hol y Grail. 20 B. Ganor and justified end of the violence spectrum, while terrorism is its unjust and negative polar opposite. Within this framework, it would be impossible for a specific organization to be considered both a terrorist group and a national liberation movement, as Senator Henry Jackson claims: â€Å"The thought that one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter is unacceptable.Freedom fighters or revolutionaries do not blow up buses with noncombatants; terrorists and murderers do. Freedom fighters do not kidnap and slaughter students, terrorists and murders do†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (As cited in Netanyahu, 1987:18) There is little basis for the claim that â€Å"freedom fighters† cannot carry out acts of terrorism and murder. This approach unintentionally plays into the hands of terrorists, who claim that since they are acting to expel who they consider to be a foreign occupier, they cannot also be considered terrorists.However, many freedom fighters i n modern history committed crimes and purposely targeted innocent civilians. The difference between â€Å"terrorism† and â€Å"freedom fighting† is not a subjective distinction based on the observer’s point of view. Rather, it derives from identifying the perpetrator’s goals and methods of operation. Terrorism is a means – a tool – for achieving an end, and that â€Å"end† can very well be liberating the homeland from the yoke of a foreign occupier. An organization can be, at the same time, both a national liberation movement and a terrorist group.It is not the specific goal – whether â€Å"freedom fighting† or another legitimate political objective – that distinguishes a group as a terrorist organization or justifies its activities. Many groups, however, such as the Muslim World League, do not clearly make this distinction. In a special publication from 2001, the Muslim World League states that: â€Å"Terrorism is an outrageous attack carried out either by individuals, groups or states against the human being (his religion, life, intellect, property and honor).It includes all forms of intimidation, harm, threatening, killing without a just cause†¦ so as to terrify and horrify people by hurting them or by exposing their lives, liberty, security or conditions to danger†¦ or exposing a national or natural resource to danger† (Al-Mukarramah, 2001). In presenting the activities that constitute terrorism as being committed â€Å"without a just cause,† the Muslim World League’s definition infers that such acts committed with a just cause are not considered terrorism.Such definitions are typical of attempts to create confusion between the means and the end, ultimately foiling any possibility of reaching a consensus on a definition. Since September 11, international terrorism has emerged on the top of national and international security agendas, widely perceived as a s evere and very real threat to world peace. It is a threat that necessitates international alignment and cooperation on an unprecedented level. Such a high degree of cooperation cannot be established or sustained however without agreement over the most basic common denominator – the definition of terrorism.Outside intelligence and military circles, the effectiveness of other apparatuses essential in countering the terrorist threat is dependent upon a clear, broad, and objective definition of terrorism that can be accepted internationally. Such a definition is essential in order to: disrupt the financing of terrorism, respond to states and 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 21 communities that support terrorism, prevent recruitment and incitement of terrorist operatives, and establish legal measures and guidelines to both outlawed terrorist organizations and activities, and arrest and extradite alleged terrorists.Above all else, the international community must establis h a binding normative system to determine what is allowed and not allowed – what is legitimate and not legitimate – when violence is used for political objectives. A definition that would address all these requirements is: Terrorism is the deliberate use of violence aimed against civilians in order to achieve political goals (nationalistic, socioeconomic, ideological, religious, etc. ) In defining terrorism within the above framework, it is important to note that a terrorist act would not be classified as a â€Å"regular† criminal activity warranting the application of criminal legal norms.Rather, terrorism would be viewed as an act of war, and the countermeasures mounted against it would too be conducted in accordance to the norms and laws of war. The Israeli High Court of Justice has itself struggled with the distinction between criminal acts and acts of war, reflecting the tension facing those studying and responding to terrorism today. According to Justice C heshin, â€Å"a judge’s job is difficult. It is sevenfold as difficult when he comes to deal with a hideously murderous attack such as we have in front of us.The murderer’s action is inherently – though not within the framework of or as part of the formal definition – an act of war, and an act that is inherently an act of war is answered with an act of war, in the ways of war† (Abd Al-Rahim Hassan Nazzal and others vs. the Commander of the IDF forces in Judea and Samaria, 1994). In a different verdict, the judge ruled that a â€Å"criminal code created for daily life in human society does not have an answer for the question† (Federman and others vs. the Attorney General, 1993).The debate over whether terrorism should be considered a criminal act or an act of war remains strong among academics, NGOs, and counter terrorism professionals. Without consensus on the issue, states have applied their own policies in trying and convicting alleged ter rorist suspects – whether as criminals or combatants. Despite the fact that criminal acts can consist of the same actions as terrorism – murder, arson, and extortion – terrorism, unlike an average criminal act, threatens the internal social order, personal and national security, world peace, and the economy. As previously noted, acts of terrorism are intended to achieve various political goals and could thus be considered arguably more severe than criminal violations. In addition, as international law expert and terrorism prosecutor Ruth Wedgwood has argued, criminal law may be â€Å"too weak a weapon† to counter terrorism, as destroying terrorist infrastructure and networks requires diplomacy, use of force, and criminal 8 Resolution 1566 (2004) adopted by the Security Council in its 5053rd meeting, on Oct. 8 2004: â€Å"†¦Reaffirming that terrorism in all its forms and manifestations constitutes one of the most serious threats to peace and security .Considering that acts of terrorism seriously impair the enjoyment of human rights and threaten the social and economic development of all states, they undermine global stability and prosperity. † (See: http://daccessdds. un. org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N04/542/82/ PDF/N0454282. pdf? OpenElement. ) 22 B. Ganor law combined. She adds that the restrictions embedded in a criminal justice system make sense in civil society where deterrence is a factor, but this may not apply in a fight against a highly networked terrorist organization (Wedgwood and Roth, 2004). Bruce Hoffman points to a fundamental difference between a criminal and a terrorist when he asserts that while a criminal seeks personal material goals, a terrorist usually sees himself as an altruist acting for and in the name of many others (Hoffman, 2006:37). Therefore, a terrorist may be perceived as posing greater danger through his actions, since he is significantly more willing than a criminal to sacrifice in order to achieve his goals – even to the point of self-sacrifice in certain situations. The criminal code in itself does not serve as an adequate platform to define terrorism.The laws of war are better suited as a framework for defining and dealing with terrorism, since the phenomenon is a violent action intended to achieve political goals, often involving the use of pseudo-military methods of operation. By basing the definition of terrorism on an established system of norms and laws, already included in international conventions and accepted by most of the countries in the world, the international community is more likely to reach a broad international agreement on the definition of terrorism – a basic tool in the joint international struggle against terrorism.At the core of the Geneva and The Hague conventions are rules differentiating between two types of personnel involved in military activity: â€Å"combatants,† military personnel who deliberately target enemy military pers onnel; and â€Å"war criminals,† military personnel who, among other actions forbidden by the laws of war, deliberately target civilians. Currently, the moral differentiation between a legitimate combatant and a war criminal is based on the attacked target (military or civilian), and, at least in principle, only applies to state entities and their armies and not to substate entities.In the Israeli setting for example, a Palestinian, considered part of a subnational group, who is involved in a deliberate attack against an Israeli military target, will receive the same treatment and punishment as a Palestinian who deliberately attacks a civilian target. Since there is no distinction made between the two, despite the difference in their targets, the degree of international legitimacy or condemnation of both cases will likely continue to be dependant on the supporter or condemner’s political stance and not necessarily on the character or target of the deliberate operation – its legality under applicable rules and norms.The American government, for example, classifies attacks against its troops in Iraq as terrorist attacks, as it does the October 2000 attack against the USS Cole or the attack against the American military barracks in Dhahran (June 1996). In fact, in an attempt to expand the definition of terrorism to include attacks against soldiers, the U. S. State Department’s definition states that terrorism is the Ruth Wedgewood and Human Rights Watch Director Kenneth Roth debate the US’s treatment of terrorist suspects – as combatants versus criminals – in a series of articles in Foreign Affairs (See Roth, 2004; Wedgwood and Roth, 2004). 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 23 deliberate use of violence against â€Å"non-combatant targets,† which includes both civilians and military personnel not on the battle field. 10 While it is natural for victims of terrorism to adopt this broad-based definitio n, terrorist organizations and their supporters can legitimately argue that in seeking to achieve their political goals, they cannot reasonably be required to either not confront military personnel entirely, or do so only when they are fully armed and prepared for war.They claim that they must be given the right to attack and surprise soldiers whatever the circumstances. In applying these considerations, the U. S. State Department’s definition of terrorism could not successfully serve as a common denominator leading to international agreement. It is only in reducing the scope of the definition to the deliberate targeting of civilians – as opposed to â€Å"non-combatants† – that may solve this problem, enabling the establishment of a clear moral boundary that should not be crossed. A terrorist act would be considered, in a sense, the equivalent for a substate entity to a war crime committed by a state. 1 During a state of war, normative principles and the laws of war forbid the deliberate targeting of civilians but allow deliberate attacks on an enemy’s military personnel (in accordance with other applicable regulations). Similarly, in modern asymmetric warfare, a normative rule must be set to address limitations on substate actors, differentiating between guerilla warfare (violence against military personnel) and terrorism (violence against civilians) – just as the rules of war differentiate between legitimate combatants and war criminals.For the purpose of defining terrorism, it is not significant what goal the organization aspires to achieve (as long as it is political); both the terrorist and the guerilla fighter may aspire to achieve the same goals. However, they each chose a different path – a different means – in order to realize these goals. Defining terrorism is critical in ensuring that the same normative standards currently enforced on states are applicable to nonstate actors, defining when thei r use of violence is permissible and when it is prohibited.Paradoxically, what is currently prohibited for states is not yet prohibited for organizations. Defining terrorism does not raise or lower the obligation of states to behave normatively and certainly does not place additional legal burdens upon them. It simply makes organizations accountable for their actions under the same value system currently obligating states. Terrorism is defined by the U. S. State Department as: â€Å"premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents. (from the 22 U. S. C. , 2656f(d)(2); See http://www. state. gov/s/ct/rls/crt/2005/65353. htm. ) 11 The UN short legal definition of terrorism, proposed by terrorism expert Alex P. Schmid, states that an act of terrorism is the â€Å"peacetime equivalent of a war crime. † While such a definition does not consider terrorism an act of war, in drawing a parallel with a w ar crime it notes the importance of the target (civilian vs. military) in legitimizing acts of violence. (See: http://www. unodc. org/ unodc/terrorism_definitions. html. ) 10 24 B. GanorReaching a broad international agreement regarding the definition of terrorism may require the international community to apply laws of war that forbid the deliberate targeting of civilians, but allow for the deliberate attack (in accordance with the other regulations) of an enemy’s military personnel. The definition proposed in this chapter may be capable of eliciting a broad base of support from many countries and organizations, both because it is based on already accepted international norms, and because it seemingly provides subnational organizations the possibility of legitimately using violence in order to achieve their goals.Such a definition would not allow for the artificial distinction that is often made between â€Å"bad† terrorism and â€Å"good† or â€Å"tolerableâ €  terrorism. It instead adheres to the principle that â€Å"terrorism is terrorism is terrorism,† no matter who carries it out – a Muslim, Christian, Jew, or member of any other religion. Terrorism would be considered an illegitimate and forbidden method of operation in all cases, under all circumstances. The ideological or cultural background of the perpetrators; and the religious, political, social or economic motives of the act; would all be irrelevant in classifying an act of terrorism.Many view the effort to achieve a broad international agreement on terrorism as hopeless and naive. However, Security Council Resolution 1566, which was unanimously accepted by Council members in October 2004, may be a basis for hope that countries will overcome prior disputes, rise above their own interests, and reach an agreement in the near future regarding the international definition of terrorism. Resolution 1566, without serving as the definition itself, already establishes one basic principle on which an international definition can be built.It stipulates that terrorism is a crime against civilians, which in no circumstance can be justified by political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious, or other considerations. 12 Modern Terrorism Descriptions of typical terrorist operations and their common characteristics are often included in proposed definitions of modern terrorism – particularly in those that address the fear and anxiety created by terrorist acts. In such definitions, terrorism is presented as a form of violent activity (or threat of violence) that 2 Resolution 1566 (2004): â€Å"Condemns in the strongest terms all acts of terrorism irrespective of their motivation, whenever and by whomsoever committed, as one of the most serious threats to peace and security†¦Recalls that criminal acts, including against civilians committed with the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury or taking hostages with the pur pose to provoke a state of terror in the general public or in a group of persons or particular persons intimidate a population or compel a government or an offences within the scope of and as defined in the international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism, are under no circumstances justifiable by considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic religious or other similar nature and calls upon all states to prevent such acts†¦Ã¢â‚¬ . (See: http://daccessdds. un. org/doc/UNDOC/ GEN/N04/542/82/PDF/N0454282. pdf? OpenElement) 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 25 intends to frighten a group of people beyond the actual victims (Horgan, 2005:1).After reviewing the development of the definition of terrorism and examining a variety of definitions, Bruce Hoffman reaches the following conclusion in his important book, Inside Terrorism: â€Å"We may therefore now attempt to define terrorism as the deliberate creation and exploitation of fea r through violence or the threat of violence in the pursuit of political change†¦ terrorism is specifically designed to have far-reaching psychological effects beyond the immediate victim(s) or object of the terrorist attack†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Hoffman, 2006:40). Definitions that refer to terrorism as an act intended to instill fear and anxiety in the public are generally based on the literal meaning and historical use of the term â€Å"terrorism,† its application dating back to the French civil war. 13 Such definitions also rely on what is perceived to be the primary operational tactic of modern terrorism – psychological warfare – which seeks to achieve political goals by instilling fear and anxiety among its target population.While definitions vary widely, there is a general consensus among most leading scholars as to the essential nature of the terrorist threat; researchers will rarely dispute the importance fear and anxiety play in understanding the phenomen on of modern terrorism. However, it is important to note that resulting fear and anxiety may not be an essential variable in defining a terrorist attack. In order to ensure that acts are objectively classified as terrorist attacks, an accepted definition must, in application, serve as a checklist of components. Based on the definition proposed in the previous section, if an act is not violent, does not deliberately target civilians, or does not attempt to achieve a political goal, then it is not a terrorist attack.Adding the element of fear and anxiety to the definition – essentially putting it on the checklist of required components – significantly changes the term’s application. If an attack, which would otherwise be considered an act of terrorism, does not aim to frighten, but rather only seeks to achieve concrete, tangible objectives – such as the release of prisoners or the assassination of a leading political figure – would the action not be considered terrorism? Similarly, a nuclear attack aimed at eradicating the majority of the population or contaminating an extensive area – which ultimately seeks to disable the state and prevent it from operating as an independent political entity – would be widely considered a terrorist attack, even though instilling fear and anxiety is not its primary purpose.Since such circumstances and scenarios can reasonably exist, the â€Å"fear and anxiety element† may not be necessary in defining terrorism; rather, it is valuable in explaining the modus operandi of a significant portion of modern terrorist attacks. 13 The term â€Å"terrorism† comes from the Latin terrere, â€Å"to cause to tremble. † The term became popularized during the â€Å"Reign of Terror† carried out by the revolutionary government in France from 1793 to 1794 (Juergensmeyer, 2003: 5). 26 B. Ganor Indeed, modern terrorism is not necessarily about the numbers. In fact, most mod ern terrorist attacks, while violent in nature, generally produce limited damage or casualties. 4 Instead, they rely on psychological warfare as a tool in achieving their goals, creating fear and anxiety among the general population. In many cases, a terrorist attack is random, aimed not at someone specific, but rather a group that shares a common trait and symbolizes the organization’s broader target (Americans, Israelis, â€Å"infidels,† Westerners, etc. ). By simultaneously transmitting several messages, these attacks intensify the sense of anxiety felt by the target group, which leads civilians to pressure decision makers and their government into changing policies and agreeing to terrorists’ demands. Some of the messages terrorist organizations aim to send through their attacks include: 1.Uncertainty – The randomness of the attack is supposed to instill a sense of uncertainty in the public regarding â€Å"safe behavior,† prompting fear that an yone could be the next victim (Horgan, 2005:3). 2. Vulnerability – A terrorist attack can take place anywhere, anytime, making all citizens feel vulnerable. 3. Helplessness – The state’s security apparatus cannot foil or prevent attacks, or protect civilians. 4. Personalization – You or someone close to you may not have been hurt in a recent attack, but it could very well be you the next time, since the victims have the same pro? le as you (Ganor, 2005:256). 5. Disproportional price – The price the individual must pay due to his government’s policy is very high. For that reason he must act to change national/international priorities in a way that will serve the terrorist’s objectives. 6.Vengeance – The citizen suffers due to the government’s actions against the terrorist organization and its supporters, and for this reason it is in his best interest to pressure the government to avoid this activity. Such attacks aim to c reate anxiety among the target group at a level disproportionate to the actual capabilities of the terrorist organization, forcing members of the target population to reprioritize and shift their concerns from that of national security to personal security. The target population perceives a growing threat from terrorism, which may be viewed by the public as largely fueled by the government’s supposedly dangerous policies.As political tension and criticism against the government in the target country mount, according to the strategy of modern terrorism, the public will pressure decision makers to change their policies in a manner that will suit the interests and goals of the terrorist organizations, or call for a change in administration that will establish policies more favorable to terrorist groups. In order to create this effect of fear, terrorist organizations often choose to escalate their activity in such a manner as to shock the public. According to Crenshaw, a review L aFree and Dugan note that over 53% of terrorist organizations from the Global Terrorism Database included in their study (1974–2004) have never produced a single fatality (LaFree and Dugan, in this volume). 14 2Trends in Modern International Terrorism 27 of the history of terrorism reveals that terrorists have purposely chosen targets considered taboo or unpredictable in order to attract international media coverage (Crenshaw, 1998:14–15). The media component is central to modern terrorism’s strategy. Without media coverage, a terrorist organization has little opportunity to convey its message, let alone shock or scare its target population. The success of a modern terrorist campaign is arguably dependent on the amount of publicity it receives; the â€Å"journalist and television camera are the terrorist’s best friends† (Laqueur, 1987). Terrorism and Traditional CrimeIn seeking funding to support ongoing operations or infrastructure, terrorist orga nizations in Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, and the Far East have increasingly come to rely on â€Å"traditional† criminal activities, such as drug trafficking, counterfeiting, petty crime, human trafficking, and extortion (Vidino and Emerson, 2006; Mili, 2006). In fact, over the last three decades, law enforcement agencies have reported increased cooperation between terrorist organizations and criminal actors and activities – including attacks that have been financed through illegal crimes and suspects who have been prosecuted for crimes in which proceeds were directed to international terrorist organizations like Hezbollah and Al-Qaeda (Noble, 2003).Growing expenses associated with terrorist activity, such as payments to organization personnel, transportation, accommodation, training, and procurement of weapons, have served as incentive for terrorist organizations to get involved in common crime. These activities only further exacerbate the danger posed by t errorist organizations to the global economy and to the safety and wellbeing of the world’s population. By counterfeiting currency, for example, a terrorist organization can damage a country’s economy while it raises funds. Similarly, by producing and smuggling drugs to certain countries, an organization can cause considerable harm to the local population and simultaneously finance its activities.In the early 1970s, terrorist organizations, particularly those not supported financially by states, funded their activities through criminal activities such as bank robberies, kidnappings for ransom, and blackmail. Terrorist organizations, such as the Red Brigades in Italy, cooperated with criminal elements, enlisting them into the ranks of their organization. However, in the late 1970s and more so in the early 1980s, terrorist organizations realized that drug trafficking was far more lucrative than other routine criminal activities, leading to a phenomenon known as â€Å"na rco-terrorism. †15 Terrorist organizations have been involved in producing and selling narcotics throughout the world – in Latin America (Colombia, Peru, Cuba, Bolivia); in Asia and 5 To illustrate the amount of money involved, a survey conducted by the United Nations Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention described the production, trafficking, and sales of illicit drugs to be an estimated $400-billion-a-year industry. A 2005 UN report estimated that global drug trade generated an estimated $322 billion in 2003, greater than the gross domestic product of 88% of the countries in the world (Pollard, 2005). 28 B. Ganor the Middle East (Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Afghanistan, India, the Philippines, Pakistan); and even in Western countries such as Italy, Spain, Ireland, and the United States. Drug trafficking by terrorist groups in Columbia is of particular concern to western governments. According to reports from the U. S.Bureau of Narcotics and Law Enforcement affairs, rev enues earned from narcotics cultivation, taxation, and distribution have accounted for at least half the funding used to support terrorist activities by two of the country’s largest terrorist groups – the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the United Self-Defense Groups of Colombia (AUC). The State Department estimates that the FARC receives $300 million a year from drug sales to finance its terrorist activities. 16 The tri-border area (TBA), or â€Å"triple frontier† as it is known, centered along the borders of Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil, has been widely recognized as another hotbed for terrorism financing and activity, particularly to groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Without strict border controls, the area serves as a haven for drugs and arms trafficking, counterfeiting, smuggling and other illegal activities.Tens of millions of dollars are estimated to have been transferred to groups through illegal remittances and other illegal activ ities, according to investigations by local police forces (Madani, 2002; Tri-border Transfers â€Å"funding terror,† 2006). Most terror organizations, however, are not directly involved in actually growing or producing drugs. They are tasked primarily with protecting the drugs and ensuring the safety of growers and producers. They also are active in smuggling narcotics to the marketing centers in countries where the drugs are distributed (Hudson, 2003:24). These organizations usually have a diverse network of contacts, enabling them to cross borders via indirect routes and smuggle weapons, ammunition, and various other products.Terrorist organizations can use the same routes and network used by their supporters in order to smuggle drugs. In some cases, drugs have been used to recruit foreign activists, in a sense bribing them to execute terrorist attacks. In these cases, the activists, who are not members of the organization, are enlisted in order to carry out attacks on beha lf of the terror organizations, sometimes unbeknownst to the activists themselves, in return for a regular supply of drugs. 17 In other cases, terrorist organizations supply their members with drugs in order to increase their dependence on the organization and encourage obedience to its leaders. 8 Some terrorist organizations refer to the distribution of drugs as an alternative form of attack, since drug consumption can harm the national morale and weaken the ability of the population to cope with crises. 16 See Deborah McCarthy’s testimony before the Committee on the Judiciary United States Senate, May 20, 2003, â€Å"Narco-Terrorism: International Drug Trafficking and Terrorism – A Dangerous Mix. † 17 For example, On August 28, 1971, a Dutch citizen, Henrietta Hundemeir, was arrested in Israel with a suitcase containing a timer-activated bomb with a barometric altimeter. The bomb was meant to explode in the El Al aircraft in which she herself was flying to Isr ael.Hundemeir was enlisted in Yugoslavia by a member of the â€Å"Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine,† who became her close friend by supplying her with drugs and using them with her. 18 One example is the â€Å"Weatherman† organization, which was responsible for terrorist attacks in the U. S. at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s. The group perceived drug use as a part of the revolutionary process. 2 Trends in Modern International Terrorism 29 Global Jihadi Terrorism Terrorism is a dynamic phenomenon that develops over time, gradually changing its shape and activities. It is carried out by various organizations in the service of different ideologies.Despite the fact that various local terrorist groups have operated in the international arena in the past decade, there is growing recognition by scholars and the intelligence community that the current international terrorist threat does not come from organizations motivated by nationalist grie vances or separatist goals (such as the IRA, ETA, Fatah, LTTE, PKK, and others). Instead, the main threat is that of radical Islamic terrorism primarily aimed at promoting a radical religious world view. 19 Such groups are motivated by what they perceive as a divine command, making them potentially more dangerous than groups motivated by other causes. Hoffman stresses that while religion was an inseparable component of many terrorist organizations in the past, the dominant motivation for their actions was political rather than religious.This is not the case with Al-Qaeda and other radical Islamic organizations today. For them, religion is the most important component defining their activities, ideology, characteristics, and recruitment methods (Hoffman, 2006:82). According to James Thomson, â€Å"religions are very effective at guiding in-group morality and out-group hatred. They permit the take-over of groups by disenfranchised young males, they minimize the fear of death by sprea ding the belief in an afterlife reward for those who are dying in a holy war, etc. † (Thomson, 2003:82). Radical Islamic terrorism, part of the Global Jihad movement, includes acts perpetrated by many organizations, groups, and cells around the world.The movement is headed by Al-Qaeda, which, despite the many setbacks it has endured since September 11, 2001, is still capable of carrying out â€Å"direct attacks† through activists reporting directly to its authority or â€Å"indirect attacks† through proxy organizations – radical Islamic terrorist organizations and networks that share a similar fundamentalist Islamic ideology, aspirations, and interests. Some of these organizations, such as Egyptian, Bangladeshi, and Afghan Jihadi groups, were established by Osama bin Laden under the umbrella of his â€Å"International Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders† (February 1998). Some of these organizations have made pacts or commitments to bi n Laden over the years, such as the Egyptian Al-Jama’a Al-Islamiya and the GSPC (currently referred to as Al-Qaeda of the Maghreb). However, the most significant trend of the past several years has been the phenomenon of â€Å"homegrown terrorism. Lone activists and local radical groups of Muslims, who either immigrated to Western countries There are also terrorist organizations that combine religious grievances with national-political motivations, such as Hamas. On the one hand, Hamas derives its ideology from the same narrative and background as Al-Qaeda, based on the early religious global ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood. At the same time though, Hamas seeks to achieve the nationalistic goal of destroying Israel and creating a Palestinian state in its place. 19 30 B. Ganor (first, second, or third generation) or converted to Islam in their country of origin, become inspired by the Global Jihad movement, leading them to carry out terrorist attacks.Al-Qaeda, its allies i n the Global Jihad movement, other radical Islamic terrorist organizations, and the radical Islamic networks and cells of the West, all believe in one divine mission, which calls upon them to spread their radical beliefs throughout the world (Sageman, 2004:1). In seeking to achieve this mission, they believe it is permissible and necessary to make use of violence and terrorism, and that they are fighting a â€Å"defensive war† that allows them to use drastic measures. One perspective shared by several researchers is that this defensive war is not actually pitted against American or Western imperialism, as Global Jihad organizations commonly claim. Rather, the â€Å"fight against the West† is used to help mobilize and recruit activists, arguably acting as â€Å"lip service† by Al-Qaeda.It also serves to at least express their concern over every aspect of modernization, including democratic forms of government, liberal values, and even modern technology that threa ten the way of life they strive for – a radical Islamic caliphate governed by Sharia law. It is also important to note that the threat of Global Jihad is not, as many tend to think, a war between Islam and other religions. Rather, it can be understood as a war of cultures – the culture of radical Islam against the outside world; or the culture of radical Islam against the culture of the â€Å"infidels,† as Islamists call all those who do not share their world view. Many in the radical Jihadi movement recognize that they will not be able to succeed in their worldwide campaign in the near future. Therefore they aim, as a first stage, to create localized radical Islamic revolutions, primarily in Arab and Islamic countries.In fact, the majority of Global Jihad attacks over the past several years occurred in countries of the Arab or Islamic world,

Age Of Innocence essays

Age Of Innocence essays Age of Innocence took place in the 1870s in New York City. It starts out with the announcement of engagement of Mae Weland and Newland Archer. Each of which comes from the sturdiest part of their family. Mrs. Manson Mingoll, Maes grandmother is eager to give the wedding breakfast for the couple. Mrs. Mingoll is known by all either by marriage or by reputation. She lives in a big house near Central Park. Mae and Newland are two of the best families in New York to join in marriage. Archers mother and sister were very shy and shrank in society. They often made fun of the under class people. They also liked to make fun of Maes cousin Ellen, which Newland was quick to be on her side. Ellen was married to the Count and they had just separated. He kept her as prisoner to their marriage, which she was not happy . Newland was sure to let his mother and sister know that Ellens marriage problems with the Count were not her fault and women should have the same rights as men. Mrs.Mingoll had a formal dinner for Ellen so that family and friends could meet her, since she had been living in London with the Count. Ellen made sure to talk to Newland that night and they discussed marriage. Ellen wanted a divorce with the Count and Newland, being in the firm, wanted to help her. He advised her she should not divorce the Count because he was liable to accuse her of untrue things about Ellen that would jeopardize her social reputation with family and friends. Another reason Archer did not want her to divorce him was because Archer was becoming part of this family and divorce in a family did not look good to the community. Divorce brought shame to the family and was not accepted in their time. Ellen just wanted to leave her old life behind her and be a normal American. Archer received a letter from Ellen that she has left town to visit some friends for a while, which Archer leaves immediately and goes to see her. He t ...

What a Legal Clinic Is

What a Legal Clinic Is A legal clinic (also called a law school clinic or law clinic) is a program organized through law school that allows students to receive law school credit as they work part-time in real (not simulated) legal service atmospheres. In legal clinics, students perform various tasks just as an attorney would do in the same job position, such as doing legal research, drafting briefs and other legal documents, and interviewing clients. Many jurisdictions even allow students to appear in court on behalf of clients, even in criminal defense. Most law clinics are open only to third-year law students, although some schools may provide opportunities for second-year students as well. Legal clinics are generally pro bono,  i.e., offering free legal services to clients, and supervised by law professors. There is usually no classroom component in legal clinics. Participating in a legal clinic is a great way for students to gain hands-on experience before heading off into the job market. Legal clinics are available in many areas of law, including but not limited to: Community legal servicesCriminal lawElder lawEnvironmental lawFamily lawHuman rightsImmigration lawTax law Renowned Clinics at Law Schools Across the Nation Stanford Law School’s Three Strikes Project is a great example of a law clinic dealing with criminal justice. The Three Strikes project provides representation to convicts serving life sentences under California’s three-strikes law for committing minor, non-violent felonies.   One of the many clinics at the University of Texas Law School is the Immigration Clinic. As part of the Immigration Clinic, law students represent â€Å"vulnerable low-income immigrants from all over the world† in federal courts before the Department of Homeland Security. Georgetown University Law School’s clinic offerings have earned it the number one ranking for â€Å"Best Clinical Training†. Ranging from Affordable Housing Transactions to Social Enterprise and Nonprofit clinics, the majority of Georgetown University Law School’s clinics involve extensive engagement with the D.C. community. One highlight of their offerings is the Center for Applied Legal Studies, which represents refugees seeking political asylum in the United States due to threatened persecution in their home countries. Lewis and Clark Law School has an International Environmental Law Project clinic that allows law students to work on real-world environmental legal issues. Past projects have included working with groups to protect endangered species and working to create new laws to protect the environment.   At Northwestern University’s Pritzker School of Law, students help clients who are appealing their cases in the Seventh Circuit and the United States Supreme Court through the Appellate Advocacy Center clinic. There are even clinics that work solely on cases associated with the highest court in the country: the Supreme Court. Supreme Court clinics can be found at Stanford Law School, New York University Law School, Yale Law School, Harvard Law School, University of Virginia Law School, University of Texas Law School, Emory University Law School, Northwestern University Law School, University of Pennsylvania Law School, and Southwestern University Law School. Supreme Court clinics write and file amicus briefs, petitions for certiorari, and merits briefs.   Legal clinic offerings vary greatly in both number and type by school, so be sure to investigate carefully while  choosing a law school. Legal clinical experience is highly recommended for law students; it looks great on your resume plus it gives you the chance to try out an area of law before committing to it in a full-time job.

Social Media Analysis and Customer Behaviour Research Proposal

Social Media Analysis and Customer Behaviour - Research Proposal Example With this accessibility and transparency of information the decision making process of the consumer is highly influenced. Traditional methods of advertising through the use of mass media have become highly ineffective as the consumers are eager to seek more information directly from the company. Therefore, companies have to work the market and find out the reception of the consumers to their brand, what influences their decisions positively and negatively (Lee, 2013). In this paper we shall examine the influence of social networks on the decision of a buyer. The first segments will presents an introduction to the chosen theme which includes the background and statement of the problem, the objectives and significance of the study, in the next chapter relevant information on literature review will be clearly provided from previous specialized studies. The third chapter will describes the research methodology and data analysis and final conclusions of the study. Marketing was done mainly through the mass media, advertisements would run on televisions and announced on the radios. Telemarketers would call consumers to market their brands and offer promotion services. This was all done beforeinvent of the online platform. The consumers would rely on the information offered by the manufacturers on the advertisements about the products.In the 20th century the internet was in full force and various social sites would connect people online, through easily- accessible and innovative features various social sites have linked people from different places in the world and has helped the layman connect with professionals. The use of mobile based platforms has increased the online presence of consumers as most people subscribe to different social sites. Companies have embraced this trend and established multiple accounts that offer customers services to their consumers. The online presence has made today’s consumer more divulging with